SDG 17

Strengthen means of implementation and breathe new life into the global partnership for sustainable development

 

§ Contractual specification of human rights and environmental criteria for the award of public loans.

 

The development financing of the Kreditanstalt für Wiederaufbau (KfW Entwicklungsbank and DEG) is an important financing instrument of German development cooperation. It promotes the establishment of the private sector in developing countries and government projects. Despite its own human rights declaration, it is apparent that KfW has not always lived up to its claim of protecting human rights to date. In recent years, KfW has moved in small steps from "zero transparency" to "some transparency" in the area of development financing. KfW Entwicklungsbank and DEG have been publishing which projects they finance since 2013 and 2015, respectively, and the risk category since 2019 and 2015, respectively. However, this is far from sufficient to get a picture of the human rights practice of development finance. Transparency is worsened by the rapid increase in financing practices through so-called financial intermediaries (funds, banks) and mixed financing (i.e. mixing public and private funds). The final recipients of the funding are systematically unknown - often even to the federal government itself. Risk projects (categories A and B+) should therefore in future be published in the relevant languages at least 60 days before the contract is signed. The use of tax and blackout havens must be prohibited for public financial institutions. Through standard contractual transparency clauses, environmental and social impact studies, human rights impact assessments, and environmental and social impact management plans should be subject to mandatory publication in relevant languages. Financing contracts must also include robust human rights clauses as standard, allowing for termination of the contract in the event of human rights violations or non-compliance with conditions. This would ensure that KfW retains sufficient leverage to avoid human rights violations even after approval; financing "at its own risk" (i.e., government-mandated financing using its own funds) is currently not bound by the BMZ's binding requirements (they are only intended to serve as a "guideline" here). The binding nature of development policy strategies must be established equally for all state actors.

For further reading and discussion: https://www.fian.de/fileadmin/user_upload/dokumente/mitmachen/160315_DEG_Transparenz_offener_Brief__1_.pdf

https://urgewald.org/sites/default/files/media-files/BerichtDevelopmentFinance-AgroColonialism.pdf

Non-discrimination and special protection obligations are fundamental aspects of the human rights approach. In the BMZ's 2011 human rights concept, important steps have already been taken to strengthen human rights in development cooperation. An assessment of human rights risks and impacts must be carried out in advance of all bilateral development cooperation projects. This applies in particular to infrastructure projects. However, there are still insufficient opportunities for those affected by human rights violations in the context of development policy projects to claim compensation. It was stated in the human rights concept that "the establishment of a human rights complaints mechanism by the BMZ should be examined". Despite concrete proposals for a practicable design, there is still no uniform, low-threshold complaints mechanism in German development cooperation. The German government should urgently establish such a unified grievance mechanism, including an independent expert panel with specific rights and capacities, to enable individuals and groups negatively affected by projects, programs or policies of German development cooperation to effectively file complaints. The panel should report regularly to the relevant parliamentary bodies and committees and involve them where necessary and previously determined.


For further reading and discussion:

https://www.forum-menschenrechte.de/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/1210_ FMR_Proposal_HR_Complaint_Procedure_Dev_Coop.pdf

 
 

§ Establishment of a uniform complaints mechanism in German development cooperation.

§ Reparation payments after recognition of the massacres of Herero and Nama as genocide

 

In May 2021, after 115 years, the German government named the massacres of the Herero and Nama as genocide and asks for apologies. Namibia and Germany signed a reconciliation agreement. In it, Germany promised Namibia and the descendants of the victims support through a 1.1 billion euro program for reconstruction and development. Legal claims for compensation cannot be derived from this. The money is to be spread over 30 years and is only to be incorporated into existing state development plans of the Namibian government. The affected communities, such as the two umbrella organizations of the traditional Herero and Nama leaders, the Ovaherero Traditional Authority (OTA) and the Nama Traditional Leaders Association (NTLA), reject the result of the negotiations so far, as it only represents a reconciliation between two governments, but does not include the affected communities and does not include reparations. Representatives of the Herero and Nama demand from the Bundestag not only an apology but also recognition under international law as genocide, from which reparations must be made. They also demand the establishment of a committee with representatives of the victims' associations to monitor payments and their use.


For further reading and discussion:

https://genocide-namibia.net/2021/05/17-mai-2021-pressemitteilung/

Foreign trade promotion urgently needs to be regulated by law. A corresponding law should ensure that the applicant companies comply with their human rights and environmental due diligence obligations and that the funded projects do not run counter to Germany's and the EU's public welfare-oriented state goals and obligations under international law, in particular climate protection, human rights and the Sustainable Development Goals. Compliance by companies with due diligence obligations in accordance with the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises and an ambitious supply chain law must become a prerequisite for application. Companies, goods and projects that do not meet these criteria must be excluded from the guarantee process. Stakeholders (rights holders) must be involved in the review of project impacts on human rights, the environment, climate and sustainable development, as well as in regular monitoring of projects. Effective mechanisms must be put in place to enforce management plans and conditions. Transparency in all guarantee instruments must be increased by providing advance information on projects with human rights and environmental impacts and reporting on approved projects in a way that allows them to be identified. Environmental and human rights-related management plans, conditions, and monitoring results must also be made public so that affected people on the ground know their rights and can claim them. Comprehensive and anonymous complaint options must be made possible in the future for those affected by human rights violations and environmental damage related to projects supported by Germany. The Bundestag must be involved in defining the review and award criteria and in decisions on particularly relevant guarantees.


For further reading and discussion:

https://www.gegenstroemung.org/web/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/2014-04_AWF-in-Einklang-mit-MR-Umwelt-und-Klimschutz.pdf

 
 

§ Foreign Trade Promotion Act

 

§ Ratification of the Additional Protocol to the UN Social Covenant.

 

The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (UN Social Covenant) is a multilateral treaty under international law. Together with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, it was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly to make the rights set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights binding under international law. The rights enshrined in the UN Social Covenant range from the rights to work and trade union freedom to the rights to social security, an adequate standard of living, health and education to the rights to participate in cultural life and the right to food. Since 2010, the UN Social Covenant, like most international human rights treaties, has had an individual complaints procedure. The individual complaints procedure gives victims of human rights violations the opportunity to have their case examined by an international body if they have not received justice at the national level. For this procedure to be valid, the so-called Additional Protocol to the UN Covenant on Social Rights must be ratified by the relevant state. By January 2021, 26 states had ratified the Additional Protocol to the Individual Complaints Procedure of the UN Social Covenant. Germany is not one of them. Germany must ratify the Additional Protocol to the UN Social Covenant so that people have the opportunity to demand their social human rights at the international level.


For further reading and discussion:

https://www.fian.de/themen/menschenrechte/un-sozialpakt/

Double taxation agreements (DTAs) allocate taxation rights between countries. If companies are active in two countries, this is intended to avoid the same tax substrate being subject to taxation twice, which could hinder investment. In practice, however, an increasingly confusing web of currently 132 German DTAs has led to cleverly operating companies being able to avoid taxation. This is a serious problem, especially for countries in the Global South, partly because their tax revenues depend to a greater extent on corporate taxes. Nor have efforts in the context of reforms of international corporate tax law, primarily the OECD's so-called Multilateral Instrument (Convention on the Implementation of Tax Treaty-Related Measures to Prevent the Avoidance and Transfer of Profits) made DTAs unnecessary. Furthermore, the German government (the Federal Ministry of Finance, BMF) negotiates new DTAs and revisions of existing treaties and submits the results of the negotiations to the Bundestag for ratification. Problematically, the financial impact of DTAs on the countries of the Global South has not yet been systematically studied - either globally or in relation to individual countries. Building on such a study - as available for various other European countries (Ireland, Switzerland, Denmark, the Netherlands) - the Bundestag should become more involved in the design of DTAs. In this context, it would be conceivable to create a legal basis for renegotiation and renegotiation that replaces the existing model agreement of the Federal Ministry of Finance, and in which criteria are defined that ensure a fair balance of interests between the Federal Republic and the respective contractual partner. Existing templates can be used, e.g. developed by the UN Committee of Experts on International Cooperation in Tax Matters, which systematically take into account the interests of the countries of the South. Furthermore, it should be examined whether the Bundestag should work towards replacing DTAs with so-called Tax Information Exchange Agreements (TIEA), which regulate an automatic and mutual exchange of tax information between the competent authorities.


For further reading and discussion:

http://library.fes.de/pdf-files/iez/15869-20200122.pdf

 
 

§ Revise double taxation agreements

 

§ Reject CETA in Bundestag and Bundesrat

 

CETA, the EU's comprehensive trade and investment protection agreement with Canada, has been provisionally applied in large parts since September 2017. However, it will not enter into full force until it has been ratified by the parliaments of all EU member states - in Germany, both the Bundestag and Bundesrat must approve it. Once the agreement has been fully ratified, the regulatory committees, which have insufficient democratic legitimacy and serve as a gateway for lobbying interests, will operate in full. In addition, special lawsuit rights for corporations will come into effect, allowing Canadian investors to sue the EU or its member states for high damages if, for example, new climate laws cut into their profits. CETA therefore threatens environmental, social and consumer protection standards, increases the influence of transnational corporations on policy-making and undermines democracy. That is why the Bundestag and Bundesrat must reject ratification of the agreement.


For further reading and discussion:

https://www.gerechter-welthandel.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/ Sieben-Gr%C3%BCnde-gegen-CETA_Juni2019.pdf